This post is part of CAPE’s GE2025 Voter Education Portal
1. General Elections: What are they?
In the General Election, Singaporeans elect Members of Parliament (“MPs”) to represent them. Collectively, Parliament is responsible for making laws, overseeing national finances, and holding the government accountable to the people.
In 2020, Singapore elected its 14th Parliament. Once elected, each Parliament may last for up to 5 years. However, the President (advised by the Prime Minister) may dissolve Parliament any time before the end of its 5-year term. The GE must be held within 3 months of the dissolution of the Parliament. This means that Parliament must be dissolved by August 2025, and the next GE must be held by November 2025.
Note: Parliamentary elections can also include by-elections, which are held when the MP for a Single Member Constituency (SMC) is vacated or when all MPs for a Group Representation Constituency (GRC) vacate their seats.
The right to vote is recognised as an implied constitutional right. It is a crucial democratic process as the people are able to express their voice by choosing elected officials who go on to make important policy decisions on behalf of the people.
2. Who sits in Parliament?
Parliament is comprised of three types of MPs. They are:
- Elected MPs;
- Non-Constituency MPs (NCMPs); and
- Nominated MPs.
Currently, there are 87 elected MPs, 2 NCMPs and 9 NMPs, making a total of 98 MPs. Note that 6 elected MPs have vacated their seats across the 14th Parliament. For 2025’s GE, Singaporeans will vote for 97 elected MPs, up from the current 93 elected MP positions.
Elected MPs make up the majority of MPs. These are the candidates who won the elections, i.e., received the highest number of votes cast, in their constituencies. In Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), MPs are voted into Parliament as a group whilst in Single Member Constituencies (SMCs), only one MP is voted into Parliament. Elected MPs can vote on any motion or bill that comes before Parliament. The Government is formed by the party who is supported by a majority of Elected MPs.
Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) seats are offered to losing Opposition candidates who received the highest percentage of votes (among the losers) during the GE. From 2017, NCMPs have had the same voting rights as Elected MPs. According to the Constitution, the maximum number of NCMPs allowed in Parliament is:
No. of NCMPs = 12 – Total No. of Elected Opposition MPs in Parliament
Is the NCMP scheme necessary in 2024? With the growing presence of Opposition MPs in Parliament, it is arguable that the NCMP scheme has become redundant. Given that Singapore voters elected a sizable cohort of Opposition MPs and may continue to do so, there may no longer be a need for NCMPs to perform the twin functions of providing an alternative voice and a check on the government in Parliament.
Nominated MPs (NMPs) do not stand in elections, unlike NCMPs and elected MPs. They have a fixed 2.5 year term. NMPs are appointed by the President on the recommendation of a Special Select Committee chaired by the Speaker of Parliament.
The NMP scheme was introduced to bring more independent voices to Parliament. However, because NMPs were never ‘tested’ by elections, their voting rights are more limited than Elected MPs and NCMPs. For example, NMPs cannot vote on Constitutional amendments and votes of no confidence in the Government, or removal of the President from office.
3. How is government formed?
The political party which secures at least 50% + 1 of the seats in Parliament (i.e., a majority) will form the Government. The President will appoint an MP who is “likely to command the confidence of the majority of MPs” to be Prime Minister. Other MPs from the same party will then be appointed as Ministers, and, together with the Prime Minister, they will form the Cabinet or Government.
MPs from parties that do not form the Government are known as the Opposition.
4. Election Timelines
In Singapore, Polling Day happens about a 2-3 weeks from the day Writ of Election is issued. The total campaign period is 9 days.
1. Dissolution
Parliament is dissolved by the President on the advice of the PM. The President then issues a Writ of Election, directing the Returning Officer (RO) to hold an election. The RO issues a Notice stipulating the date, time and place for nomination of candidates.
2. Nomination Day
Happens between 5 days to one month from writ of election. In the last elections, this has occurred about a week after Writ of Election is issued. Prospective Candidates must submit their nomination papers and certificates to the RO. There are two possible outcomes at the close of the nomination period:
Walkover: If only one SMC candidate or set of GRC candidates are nominated, the RO will declare that the candidate(s) have been elected.
Contested Election: If more than one SMC or GRC candidate stands nominated, the RO will then issue the notice of contested elections.
3. Campaigning
Candidates can start campaigning after the notice of contested election is issued. The campaign period lasts 9 days from and including Nomination Day.
4. Cooling-Off Day
On the eve of Polling Day, election campaigning is prohibited. The purpose is to give voters some quiet time to reflect on the issues raised during the election before going to the polls.
5. Polling Day
Voters can go to their allotted polling stations to cast their votes. Overseas Singaporeans who are properly registered can cast their votes at the overseas polling stations allotted to them.
6. Counting
After the close of polls in Singapore, the ballot boxes containing the votes cast will be sealed and transported to the respective counting centers. A sample count is performed at the start of the counting process to get an early indication of the possible electoral outcome for that electoral division. After the count, the RO will compile the results received from all counting centers in Singapore.
Most results are in by just after midnight. Sample counts are released as early as two hours after polling closes as an early indicator of electoral results. Sample counts have a 95% confidence rate and 4 percentage point margin of error.
7. New government sworn in
The newly elected government is formed and assumes power within 2-3 weeks after polling day.
5. Is your vote secret?
- Every authorized individual at polling stations or counting places is required by law to make an oath of secrecy.
- After the election, all ballot papers and documents relating to the election are sealed and placed in the ballot boxes, which are stored securely at the Supreme Court for six months before being destroyed.
- Representatives of candidates at the election are invited to check that the ballot boxes have not been reopened, and to witness the sealed boxes being burned in the incinerator.
- Some voters are concerned that they may be identified from the serial numbers on the ballot papers. However, these numbers are not used to identify voters. Instead, they are used to account for all ballots issued and cast. They can only be unsealed upon a Court order to trace the ballot papers, in the unlikely event that enough votes may have been fraudulently cast to affect the election outcome.
Remember: Your vote is secret! This protection is guaranteed by law under s 56 of the Parliamentary Elections Act.
6. The First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system
The ruling party in Singapore usually wins around 60% of the vote share but secures over 90% of the seats. One of the reasons for this disparity in vote share and seat share is the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system.
The FPTP system means that the candidate with the most number of votes will be the winner. There are two possible effects of the FPTP system:
- EFFECT 1: Candidate A wins 49% of votes and Candidate B wins 51% of votes. Despite the small winning margin, Candidate B is elected.
- EFFECT 2: Candidate A wins 36% of votes, Candidate B wins 34% of votes and Candidate C wins 30% of votes. Even though Candidate A does not have the actual majority of votes (i.e., more than 50%), Candidate A wins.
Alternative voting systems:
There are two main alternative voting systems that are in use around the world: a (1) Proportional Representation System, and (2) Ranked Choice Voting System.
Should Singapore Adopt a Proportional Representation System?
Under such a system, seats in Parliament are allocated in proportion to the overall percentage of votes each party receives. For instance, if a political party receives 20% of votes, then 20% of the parliamentary seats will be allocated to that party.
There are pros and cons to such a system:
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Such a system may be more advantageous for small opposition parties as they can be allocated seats without having to defeat a bigger party.
Under the FPTP system, it is easier for bigger, dominant parties to earn a supermajority in Parliament (i.e., two-thirds of the seats are held by members from the same party). This may be unfavorable because it would allow the ruling party to amend the Constitution with few other barriers. -
Such a system may often lead to a Parliament in which no party has an outright majority (50%), requiring the formation of a coalition government. This may result in delayed decision-making and government instability if the different political parties forming the coalition cannot agree on how to govern.
Should Singapore Adopt a Ranked Voting System?
Under Ranked Voting, voters rank their options in order of preference (i.e., first, second, third).
There are many ways to implement a ranked-choice system but one of the most well-known is the ‘Instant Runoff’ system, used in countries like Ireland and Australia. In this system, the candidate with the least first-choice votes is eliminated, and the voters who choose this candidate as their first choice will have their votes reallocated to their second choice.
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Ranked-choice voting may better reflect voters’ preferences than first past the post voting:
Take our earlier example of a first-past-the-post system where A wins 36%, B wins 34%, and C wins 30% of the vote. Let’s say that Candidates B and C are pretty similar, and most voters for either B or C would prefer the other over Candidate A. In a first-past-the-post system, Candidate A would win even though Candidate B and C voters both dislike her and prefer the other candidate more. In a ranked-choice system, Candidate C voters may put Candidate B as their second choice. After Candidate C is eliminated for having the least first-choice votes (30%), her votes will be re-allocated to Candidate B, leading Candidate B to win the election. This outcome better reflects the majority’s preferences, as the majority of voters would have preferred Candidates B over Candidate A. -
In some scenarios, Ranked-choice voting can still be bad at reflecting voters’ preferences. This can happen where the presence of more than 3 candidates requires multiple rounds of elimination, under certain vote-share scenarios
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Ranked choice voting is confusing and can therefore undermine democratic legitimacy. If you found yourself scratching your head, it’s not your fault! Ranked-choice voting is difficult to understand, even in places that use it. If ranked-choice voting leads to unexpected outcomes and voters are unable to understand why, this can undermine the legitimacy of the democratic election process.
Improving voting systems to be more representative of voters and to avoid democratic dysfunctions (such as hung Parliaments and two-party duopolies) continues to be an ongoing debate in democracies around the world. Singapore is no different and as a young, nimble democracy, we should consider how we can better reform our electoral systems.